RFA AIRS LATEST BOMB INFO Conspiracy Nation

Conspiracy Nation -- Vol. 6 Num. 98
RFA AIRS LATEST BOMB INFO

Conspiracy Nation -- Vol. 6 Num. 98
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("Quid coniuratio est?")

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RFA AIRS LATEST BOMB INFO
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(Spotlight, Jan. 15, 1996)
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The latest developments in independent investigations of the
Oklahoma City bombing were discussed on the December 13 [1995]
broadcast of The Spotlight's nightly call-in talk forum, Radio
Free America [RFA, 5.065 MHz shortwave, mon-fri, 9 pm cst], with
host Tom Valentine.

The guest was Jon Rappoport, author of The Oklahoma City Bombing:
The Suppressed Truth, which is available at $12 per copy by
writing: Jon Rappoport, 2633 Lincoln Boulevard, Suite No. 256,
Santa Monica, CA 90405. [CN -- An excellent book but, as always,
*caveat emptor*]

An edited transcript of the interview with Rappoport follows...

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TOM VALENTINE:
Could you give us an update on your latest findings?

JON RAPPOPORT:
The unassailable fact is that the truck bomb Tim McVeigh and
Terry Nichols are alleged to have used could not have caused the
major damage to the building. You have to be dealing with
professionals who put charges inside the building on the columns
to get the pattern of damage that was found there.

Assume that a group of professionals linked up with McVeigh and
got some professionals to go inside the building and set the real
charges, allowing McVeigh to think that he's doing the job alone.

Now if this were the case, the FBI would then come in and figure
out in about five minutes that McVeigh was just the dupe and the
real damage was done by the professionals inside the building.
It's absurd to think that the professionals involved then figured
that they could "pay off" the FBI to cover up for them.

The bottom line is that, if the FBI is covering up for the damage
done by other charges set off inside the building, which indeed
the FBI is doing, then you have got to be talking about an
operation that has its roots inside the government somewhere. You
aren't talking about some small group of wackos who were involved
here.

TOM VALENTINE:
That's right. Somebody had to be able to convince the FBI's field
workers, who are legitimate, hard-working, honest agents, that
they were only wasting their time by following anything beyond
the truck bomb.

JON RAPPOPORT:
So few people understand them. They pointed people in a certain
direction and said, "Go look there" and the lower-level
investigators say, "Yes, sir" and that's what happened here.
Somebody above the level of the FBI, inside the government, is
managing this investigation. They may ultimately have links
outside the government, but it goes high up.

As more and more information comes in, it's more and more
confirmation of this thesis. At the "middle level" (the level of
the execution of the bombing), more and more people begin to show
up. There's more cover-up and more agencies in the federal
government denying that they had prior knowledge. There are more
and more witnesses who are being excluded by the FBI (especially
in reference to the existence of John Doe No. 2).

We've seen the defecting grand juror in Oklahoma City, Hoppy
Heidelberg, who didn't like the way the grand jury was being
conducted in reference to the existence of John Doe No. 2.

The reason Heidelberg went public with his complaints (and
possibly breaking the law in so doing) is that he felt that the
existence of John Doe No. 2 was completely excluded from
testimony.

Heidelberg suspected (as do many) that John Doe No. 2 would prove
to be a government informant or government agent -- a "handler"
for McVeigh. That's why, ultimately, the grand jury never took up
the question of John Doe No. 2.

This is a man they had a sketch of. They had witnesses (who were
never called to testify) who saw John Doe No. 2. There was one
man, Mike Morose, who gave an interview to Channel 4 in Oklahoma
City in which he said that he saw John Doe No. 2 standing there
at around 8:40 am on the morning of the bombing right there in
front of the federal building with McVeigh. This witness was
never called before the grand jury. There was no significant
testimony given about John Doe No. 2. This goes beyond being
suspicious.

McVeigh had been arrested (on traffic violations charges) within
about 90 minutes of the bombing and the sketch that they had of
John Doe No. 1 (later identified as McVeigh) was enough to get
the federal authorities over to Perry, Oklahoma where McVeigh was
being held in jail. It was there that they arrested him as a
suspect in the bombing about a day and a half later.

The sketch of John Doe No. 2, on the other hand, didn't result in
anything even close to a subsequent arrest. In fact, the FBI
began to pick up people who didn't even look like the person in
the sketch of John Doe No. 2. Heidelberg became convinced, as a
result, that the federal authorities were not doing their job and
were not interested in pursuing John Doe No. 2 and he wanted to
know why.

TOM VALENTINE:
In my view, it doesn't seem likely that the guilty parties
(whether within the government or otherwise) could convince the
FBI to help cover up their complicity. It seems more likely, for
example, that perhaps federal agents (maybe BATF) were attempting
to ensnare McVeigh in a "sting" operation that went haywire and
that, as a consequence, they would be more able to convince
others to help cover that up instead. [CN -- See also the thesis
put forward by Debra von Trapp, still *not* *refuted* and yet
strangely ignored by some people. As von Trapp told me, no one
"fed" her any disinformation for the simple reason that she was
already *inside* the alleged operation she described.]

JON RAPPOPORT:
It's pretty easy, unfortunately, to say to these agents: "There's
a bunch of nuts running around out there who say that there were
bombs inside the building. That's ridiculous, of course. We're
looking for evidence of the truck bomb and that's all we want you
to focus on." The lower-level federal officials would buy that.

David Hall, another Oklahoma City bombing researcher, has done
some excellent research. He believes that some sort of sting
operation went awry. The point where Hall and I part company is
that I believe that in order to create the damage that was done
in this bombing that you had to have very carefully placed
charges inside on the columns of the structure and therefore the
idea of a "sting" seems to fail.

I could buy that argument if it was just McVeigh and they were
leading him on and they intended to bust him and become famous
and beloved all over America for foiling McVeigh's intended
terrorist act. However, when you have the involvement of
professionals (as it really went down), that seems to exceed the
boundaries of a simple "sting" operation.

TOM VALENTINE:
I have to agree with you there. That's a tough one to get around
and it's a hard one for a lot of people to have to face.

JON RAPPOPORT:
Look at what happened to Hoppy Heidelberg. Here's a guy who went
into the grand jury with a juror's handbook that spelled out
juror's rights and when he got frustrated and tried to exercise
those rights, by asking to question witnesses and call other
witnesses (and do what a grand jury is empowered to do), he
discovered that the prosecutors weren't going to let him do that.
The prosecutors had decided who was going to be indicted and who
wasn't and the grand jurors were expected to be a rubber stamp.
And now Heidelberg still risks the possibility of going to jail
for doing what he did.

TOM VALENTINE:
There's more evidence that has come out?

JON RAPPOPORT:
That's right. Ray Brown, the university seismologist who
determined initially that there were two blasts at the time of
the bombing, has now concluded that there were actually three
blasts. He says that the FBI has confiscated seismic evidence and
that if you had the missing portions of the evidence that you
would be able to nail it down conclusively. So that's the latest
there.

We now have an expanded list of witnesses who have told either
the FBI or Channel 4 that, in fact, they did see John Doe No. 2
and other suspects at the bombing scene. We have Gary Lewis, a
press supervisor in the Journal-Record building across the street
from the federal building. We have a banker whose name is Kyle
Hunt.

All of these people were on the scene before the bombing and saw
a Mercury Marquis and a brown Chevy pickup. They saw McVeigh and
somebody who looked like the sketch of John Doe No. 2. But none
of these people were called before the grand jury because they
were not only talking about McVeigh, but they were also talking
about John Doe No. 2.

TOM VALENTINE:
What's the story about the judge in the case being thrown out?

JON RAPPOPORT:
The New York Times and the Los Angeles Times claimed that the
reason why Judge Wayne Alley was dismissed from the case was
because his office was across the street from the federal
building and was damaged during the bombing and that this might
cause him to be prejudiced against the defendants.

The real reason, however, appeared in the Portland Oregonian on
April 20, one day after the bombing. In an interview with the
Oregonian, Alley admitted that he received warning on April 3, by
some government people whom he didn't name, that there was a
suspicion that something was up; that something like a bombing
was going to be happening in that neighborhood. So the judge took
a vacation and that's why he wasn't in his office the day of the
bombing. That's why he was taken off the case. That little tidbit
would be far too much to deal with, suddenly popping up in the
middle of the trial. One of his clerks was actually injured by
some glass.

TOM VALENTINE:
Judge Alley is from Portland, Oregon originally and that's how he
happened to inadvertantly give this story to a Portland Oregonian
reporter. The ramifications of the bombing and its aftermath are
intense, particularly in light of the push for the anti-terrorist
legislation.

JON RAPPOPORT:
Gunowners of America and the American Civil Liberties Union
recently jointly sponsored a briefing on the dangers of the so-
called anti-terrorist legislation that's before Congress.

People were amazed that the "right" and the "left" could stop
trying to strangle each other long enough to agree with anything,
yet here they were agreeing very much that this legislation is
repressive. I think that's very encouraging.

TOM VALENTINE:
That's right. The left and the right have much more in common in
many regards than the Rush Limbaughs of the world would admit.

JON RAPPOPORT:
There's another interesting detail about the case that's worth
noting. There's a fellow in custody in Phoenix named Steve
Colburn who was arrested on May 13 because of some gun charges
pending against him and he hadn't reported in. Apparently his
brown pickup truck had pulled over on the side of the road when
Oklahoma trooper Charles Hanger arrested McVeigh. Hanger's
videocamera apparently caught the license plate of Colburn's
truck.

Yet, Colburn has been on ice since then and has said nothing. He
did know McVeigh. We know that. Yet Colburn hasn't been
officially charged in the bombing. So who knows what they are
trying to do? Are they trying to get Colburn to do what McVeigh's
friend, Michael Fortier, did: Turn around completely from saying
that McVeigh couldn't have had anything to do with the bombing to
saying that he actually helped McVeigh case the building?

One of the most staggering things in the Oklahoma bombing is that
the media has hardly interviewed any of the hundreds of people
who escaped the bombing, despite the fact that there are hundreds
of reporters covering the story.

The reason for this, I think, is that of the stories of survivors
that I have heard, are extremely damaging to the official
scenario.

One story reveals that there were at least two explosions and
that the interior explosion came just slightly before the truck
bomb, if we are to believe at least two witnesses who were in the
building who have told this story.

TOM VALENTINE:
We've heard that the people of Oklahoma City are scared to death
of their own public servants, especially the FBI.

JON RAPPOPORT:
This might have something to do with the fact that some 45
percent of the people of Oklahoma work for some facet of the
government.